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I Have a Dream Speech

Martin luther king, jr..

Welcome to the LitCharts study guide on Martin Luther King, Jr.'s I Have a Dream Speech . Created by the original team behind SparkNotes, LitCharts are the world's best literature guides.

I Have a Dream Speech: Introduction

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Historical Context of I Have a Dream Speech

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Full Title: “I Have a Dream”
When Written: Early 1960s
When Published: King delivered versions of “I Have a Dream” in North Carolina in 1962 and in Detroit in June of 1963 before delivering the definitive version of the speech at the March on Washington on August 28th, 1963
Literary Period: civil rights movement
Genre: Speech, religious sermon
Climax: King begins calling for freedom to ring out across America, from the “mighty mountains of New York” to the “molehill[s] of Mississippi”
Point of View: First person

Extra Credit for I Have a Dream Speech

Ringing Into the Future. On August 28th, 2013—the 50th anniversary of the March on Washington—thousands of people gathered on the mall in Washington D.C. where King delivered his iconic speech to celebrate and commemorate the occasion. President Barack Obama spoke at the gathering. Obama paid homage to King while reminding those in attendance that King’s dream was still not yet complete, and that the work of justice and anti-racism is complex and ongoing.

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“I Have a Dream”: Annotated

Martin Luther King, Jr.’s iconic speech, annotated with relevant scholarship on the literary, political, and religious roots of his words.

Dr Martin Luther King Jr (1929 - 1968) waves to the crowd of more than 200,000 people gathered on the Mall after delivering his 'I Have a Dream' speech at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, Washington DC, 28th August 1963.

For this month’s Annotations, we’ve taken Martin Luther King, Jr.’s iconic “I Have a Dream” speech, and provided scholarly analysis of its groundings and inspirations—the speech’s religious, political, historical and cultural underpinnings are wide-ranging and have been read as jeremiad, call to action, and literature. While the speech itself has been used (and sometimes misused) to call for a “color-blind” country, its power is only increased by knowing its rhetorical and intellectual antecedents.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation . This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

In a sense we have come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now . This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God’s children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred .

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream .

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor’s lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted , every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood . With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

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This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with a new meaning, “My country, ’tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim’s pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.”

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!”

For dynamic annotations of this speech and other iconic works, see The Understanding Series from JSTOR Labs .

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I Have a Dream: Rhetorical Analysis

In his famous speech, “I Have a Dream,” Martin Luther King presented his arguments using some of the most compelling figurative language ever employed in a speech.

Introduction: I Have a Dream

Table of Contents

In his famous speech, “I Have a Dream,” Martin Luther King presented his arguments using some of the most compelling figurative language ever employed in a speech. At the outset, King expresses his dream about Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation, portraying it as a beacon of hope for all Negroes to attain equal rights and citizenship in the United States. He proceeds to draw a parallel between the circumstances of a century earlier and the present reality as he addresses his fellow Negroes. King contends that while the situation has not significantly changed, the Declaration of Independence affirms their entitlement to equal citizenship alongside white people. Despite America having “defaulted on this promissory note” of granting them constitutionally enshrined “unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” King asserts that they will not accept this status quo, likening it to a bad check (553).

According to King, they have come again to claim these rights, believing that it is now the opportune moment. However, he cautions his followers against resorting to violence, emphasizing that it is a counterproductive path that would hinder their cause. Instead, he advises them to embrace non-violent methods of protest within their respective states. King then articulates his dream of witnessing white and black girls and boys walking together, united in their pursuit of equal rights for Negroes. I believe that Martin Luther King eloquently employed classical rhetorical strategies, including pathos , logos , ethos , and kairos , through his figurative language to persuade his audience against resorting to violence in their quest for equal rights with white people.

Classical Strategies in I Have a Dream

Pathos in i have a dream.

Regarding classical rhetorical strategies, Martin Luther King demonstrates a particular proficiency in the use of pathos. He repeatedly employs it to passionately appeal to his audience, urging them that their pursuit of rights is a noble one that does not necessitate resorting to violence. Initially, he evokes emotions by describing the plight of Negroes a century ago, stating, “we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free,” emphasizing the persistency of this condition over the past century (King 553). On the subsequent page, he continues to appeal to their emotions, acknowledging, “I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations,” conveying his awareness of their collective suffering (555). Notably, he employs the poignant phrase, “You have been veterans of the creative suffering,” linking the experiences of other Negroes to emphasize their shared suffering and unity in their quest for rights. The repetitive articulation of his dream serves to reinforce his message, playing on the emotions of his audience and urging them to strive for their rights without resorting to violence. This speech stands out as Martin Luther King’s most adept use of pathos.

Logos in I Have a Dream

In terms of logos, Martin Luther King employs logical reasoning throughout his speech. Initially, he appeals to logos by asserting his demand for rights under the influence of the great American, President Abraham Lincoln, who signed “the Emancipation Proclamation” (553). This reference suggests that the proclamation, in principle, promises equal rights for all, yet the reality on the ground reflects a stark contrast where Negroes are not treated equally.

King further relies on logical arguments, presenting the constitutional equality as a promissory note, asserting that their “unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” are guaranteed by both the Constitution and “the Declaration of Independence” (554). His logical reasoning extends to the assertion that they have gathered to demand the fulfillment of this promise, emphasizing that segregation and racial injustice must cease immediately. He warns that the discontent will persist as it is their unalienable right enshrined in the constitution.

Another logical point made by King is the progression from a “smaller ghetto to a larger ghetto,” illustrating that despite this progress, they have not been granted the rights they deserve (555). Therefore, his logical argument contends that everything they are demanding in terms of rights is already promised to them, except in practice.

Moreover, King utilizes logical reasoning when comparing the past with the present, emphasizing that the time has come for democracy to spread globally. He argues that they must seize this opportunity to secure their rights.

In addition to logos, King also incorporates ethos into his persuasive techniques.

Ethos in I Have a Dream

Regarding ethos, Martin Luther King’s personal credibility plays a significant role in his persuasive efforts. As a prominent “spokesman of civil rights movements during the 1950s and 1960s,” as mentioned in his introduction, his name and qualifications lend authority to his words (553). His advocacy for the philosophy of non-violence, stemming from his education in theology, adds further weight to his ethos.

In the speech, King employs ethos by expressing mindfulness of the hardships his audience has endured, acknowledging that they have come from different states across America. He specifically names each state, urging individuals to return and engage in peaceful protests. Additionally, he aligns himself with the American dream of equality and enhanced opportunities, stating, “It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream” (555). His references to the national anthem, acknowledgment of followers from various religions and races, and constant allusions to different states highlight his awareness of his position as a rights activist.

King consistently calls for protest, emphasizing a non-violent approach, recognizing the potential consequences of spiraling out of control. This demonstrates his understanding of the delicate balance needed in the pursuit of justice.

Furthermore, King strategically employs kairos by comparing the then-and-now, frequently using the term “now.” He asserts, “Now is the time to make real the promises of Democracy,” emphasizing that these promises were not fulfilled in the past (554). This use of classical rhetorical strategies, including ethos and kairos, contributes to the effectiveness of his speech.

Figurative Language in I Have a Dream

Martin Luther King employs various figures of speech, including metaphors, similes, allusions, and references, enriching the language and impact of his speech. Metaphors are particularly prevalent, with examples like “the long night of captivity,” “solid rock of brotherhood,” “a bad check,” “sweltering summer,” and others (554). Notably, the metaphors related to weather, such as summer symbolizing torture, humiliation, and barbarism, while spring symbolizes the arrival of better days, serve as powerful symbols of hardship and hope.

Similes are used to compare the past experiences of Negroes with their present circumstances, emphasizing the lack of significant change in the situation of their rights.

King incorporates references and allusions, citing important documents like the Constitution, the Declaration of Independence, and the Emancipation Proclamation. Additionally, he alludes to common instances of police brutality without specifying particular events, maintaining a broader yet relatable context.

Repetition is a notable rhetorical device, contributing to the memorability and impact of the speech. Phrases like “Go back,” “I have a dream,” and “Let freedom ring from” are repeated throughout the speech, creating a rhythmic and emphatic cadence that reinforces key messages (555-557&558).

Overall, King’s adept use of figurative language, combined with strategic repetition, enhances the persuasiveness and eloquence of his speech, making it a compelling and memorable piece of oratory.

Conclusion: I Have a Dream

In short, Martin Luther King’s speech possesses the qualities of a great oration. While not necessarily intentional, he effectively incorporates classical rhetorical devices such as logos , pathos , ethos , and kairos throughout the speech, making it compelling and forceful. King’s own credibility, highlighted by his significant role in civil rights movements and the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964, adds weight to his ethos (553).

In addition to rhetorical devices , King utilizes literary devices like metaphors , similes , references, and allusions to convince his audience that non-violent strategies are more effective in achieving their rights. He strategically references the national anthem to evoke patriotism and emphasizes the importance of unity between blacks and whites in singing the song as an expression of love for their country.

The skillful use of repetition , such as the iconic phrase “I have a dream,” contributes to the speech’s memorability. King consistently refers to democracy and the Declaration of Rights to underscore the high moral ground upon which they stand.

Overall, these strategies enhance the effectiveness and persuasiveness of the speech, proving its practicality, universality, and enduring impact over several decades.

Works Cited: I Have a Dream

Krauthammer, Charles. “The Truth About Torture.” Models for Writers. Eds. Alfred Rosa and Paul Eschholz. 11th ed. Boston: Bedford /St. Martin’s, 2012. 553-558. Print

Relevant Questions about I Have a Dream

How does Martin Luther King use rhetorical devices , such as metaphors and repetition , to convey his message and evoke emotions in the audience?
What role does ethos play in Martin Luther King’s “I Have a Dream” speech, and how does his personal credibility contribute to the overall impact of his message?
In what ways does Martin Luther King appeal to the principles of democracy and the American Dream in his speech, and how does he connect these ideals to the struggle for civil rights?

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